a reality that socialist or progressive protestors must take into account is that disorder on the streets always works to the political advantage of fascists, who credibly promise order at all costs even while they cynically ensure protest becomes disorderly.

it’s not fair, but it is reality. in the ecstasy of genuine righteousness one may not give a fuck, but then a morning after comes.

@tb i mean, i guess higher-ed was already a tinderbox, but columbia really has made a unique contribution this year setting the world on fire. had the school simply been indulgent, it’s not impossible this academic year could have come to a mostly uneventful close nationwide, just some very understandable protests in the ordinary course of things. a bit of groveling before ideologues that you try to back up with ill-considered action and *blammo*.

at a certain point, true and false come to matter much less than us and them.

This is madness.

i already think we’re paying too much attention to this stuff and too little to what’s actually going on in israel/palestine, but does anybody do any data journalism about campus protests, logging and tallying chants and activities at different locations?

the people who crush the university student protests will always be on the wrong side of history. it will become a settled matter twenty to thirty years later, when the former students are the ones writing the history.

someone put me on their mailing lists a couple of days ago, and i have to say that it's AMAZING.

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what never understood is he was popular not because he's "conservative", but because he was perceived as chill, as letting people live and do their thing, during the pandemic when media portrayed other places as under the jackboots of some COVID gestapo.

anti-abortion, anti-pot, don't-say-anything-in-front-of-the-children Ron is not chill. and not, i think, broadly that popular anymore.

@Alon @asayeed @BenRossTransit i'm just gonna call you "pharaoh", Alon. 😛

this one reminds me a lot of Nancy Pelosi communications i used to get.

e-mail screenshot:

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even a bad seed can with care and time grow into a wonderful tree.

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit i think this is right. but even those for whom states feel most artificial have to ask themselves whether wearing a costume for a while isn’t better than ripping it apart in the name of authentic expression. a pan-Islamism could peacefully emerge from the politics of artificial states. an Arabian EU might quickly thrive in ways the European one has not, as in Europe people’s identities are national. 1/

in reply to @asayeed

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit but simply casting off states as colonial impositions, however accurate the characterization may be, means a lot of war, internally against incumbent elites, also externally against all the powers—not just “the West”—for whom militarily assertive emergence of a nonterritorially founded entity vying for allegiance of a globally dispersed umma would seem dangerously destabilizing. 2/

in reply to self

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit i may be wrong, but in actual practice my sense is the claims associated with pan-Islamist identity are narrower than they might be in theory. people in the Arab world view Baghdad and Cairo and Mecca as capitals of a community to which they belong, but do not view Jakarta in the same way. (Tehran is perhaps an intermediate case?) 3/

in reply to self

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit a pan-Islamist superstate that is formed from a voluntary association of territorially circumscribed, internationally recognized Westphalian states could emerge peacefully and compatibly with the existing, currently uncomfortable order, and become something much more consistent with lived identities. 4/

in reply to self

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit i’m obviously a not disinterested outsider, so boulders of salt, but that’s the path i hope they’ll choose. 5/

in reply to self

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit oddly, this version of pan-Islamism could eventually be compatible with Israel’s existence. as Thomas Friedman (more boulders of salt) likes to put it, Israel has been aspiring with its Abraham Accords and flirtations with the Saudis to join the contemporary Middle East. 6/

in reply to self

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit if one thinks of the Abbasid caliphate as an Islamic dominion under which diverse other communities who accepted that dominion could also thrive, one might imagine Israel as kind of the superstate analog of a prosperous Jewish quarter of Baghdad.

of course anything like this will remain impossible while millions of Palestinians remain stateless and hopeless under Israeli military occupation. /fin

in reply to self

@Alon @asayeed @BenRossTransit i wonder whether the discriminator here might not be more when rather than how many. Jordan naturalized many Palestinians before the conflict curdled into something quite so bitter and nihilistic and apocalyptic as it has now become. it did the most important work a state does, made that population not stateless, gave people a state which defines enforces certain rights. 1/

@Alon @asayeed @BenRossTransit Jordan’s Palestinian population is obviously pro-Palestinian and in deep, painful sympathy with their stateless brethren. But they have much more to lose, and are less bitter and radical than those who’ve spent 40 years in the desert hoping for Canaan. 2/

in reply to self

@Alon @asayeed @BenRossTransit Over time, naturalization could offer some degree of contemporary normalcy to migrants to, say, Egypt from Gaza or the West Bank. But if you were governing Egypt, and well aware of your precarity doing so, you might wonder how long it might take for bitter, defiant grievances to fade, whether that population would consent to mix and assimilate as much as Jordan’s much earlier wave did. 3/

in reply to self

@Alon @asayeed @BenRossTransit Putting aside questions of justice or the human rights surrounding “ethnic cleansing”, I think naturalization in neighboring states will be a hard-sell due to these very realist concerns. Of course leaders will say, as Sisi does, that they won’t accept them because they must remain steadfast in their noble cause. But that serves both as pretext + to mollify the passions of their publics. On practical grounds, it’s just dangerous./fin

in reply to self

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit i think Hamas’ position is more ambiguous. it is the inheritor of Palestinians mimetic Westphalianism, like Fatah, sure. But it is also founded from the Muslim Brotherhood and allied with Iran, both of which in different ways (of as yet indeterminate compatibility) represent anti-Westphalian traditions. 1/

in reply to @asayeed

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit it is a national liberation movement and a canny political actor so, sure, when it interacts with governing elites in Turkey and Qatar it is happy to confine its ambitions to the territory between the river and the sea. but i think at its roots it’s allied with the broader pan-Islamist cause, the Zionist entity is a sharp foreign object that must be removed before the wound to the greater umma can be healed. 2/

in reply to self

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit i think particularly Egyptian elites, who struggle (very illiberally) to suppress pan-Islamist yearnings—it’s the Muslim Brotherhood that wins elections—are sensitive to this aspect of Hamas. /fin

in reply to self

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit to the degree Palestinian identity is anti-Westphalian pan-Islamist, Israel and Egypt’s elites potentially share a common concern. but Palestinian identity is also has nationalistic strands, hostile both to Israel and to assimilation as Egyptian in ways analogous to—and I think mimetic of—Israeli identity and Judaism’s proud, arguably reactionary, claim to be primary and indissoluble. 1/

in reply to @asayeed

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit both strands are bad news for Palestinians who just want to live, as they are both reasons why contemporary states of the region, however legitimate or not, have to fear Palestinians’ potential to affect domestic stability. /fin

in reply to self

@asayeed @Alon @BenRossTransit well, don’t reflect grassroots identities of those inclined pan-Islamism. Jewish Israelis live there too, and have their own grassroots. as do other communities that, in a generous view might thrive under a confident caliphate, but might also wonder whether that best, most tolerant, case is most likely or what a transition would look like.

in reply to @asayeed

@Alon @BenRossTransit (i don’t think theocratic strictness is the aspect of polical Islam Egypt fears. rather there’s a strand of political Islam that might be less strict in those ways but that sees life ordered under disjoint contemporary states as illegitimate. it hearkens to a more encompassing Dar al-Islam, which constructs like Egypt and elites who benefit from it undermine. the Saudis, for example, use strictness precisely to substitute for and mollify this more dangerous strand.)

@asayeed i hope it endswell!

in reply to @asayeed

@_dm (unintentional in the sense i don't think she foresaw the full consequences, like a pool shot that impressively sinks several of your balls when you’d planned on just one.)

i’ve got to admit, Elise Stefanik performed an unintentionally brilliant act of partisan politics when she got the Presidents of Penn and Harvard fired, encouraging their colleagues to jump straight to the kind of repressive overreaction that is a match to the kerosene mix of student idealism and narcissism.

now the Democratic coalition is bitterly divided, and the most salient issues are public disorder and student entitlement, both of which strongly favor Republicans.